An important resource for scholars of Bengal history

Communalism in Bengal: From Famine to Noakhali, 1943-47 (hb) by Rakesh Batabyal; Sage Publications: New Delhi/ Thousand Oaks/London; 2005; 429 pp

At the very opening of the work, Batabyal discloses, 'This book has its origin during the days when I used to ask my grandmother about her early life in the tranquil village of Gaurnadi, in Barisal district of what is now Bangladesh, about the forces that compelled her family to come to this completely unknown tribal belt of Jharkhand as refugees. She was full of agony and anger at the thought of her refugee status, while nostalgic about her lost world. But there was no sense of vengefulness or bitterness.' Few readers would fail to notice the emphasis Batabyal puts on the absence of vengefulness when they reach this mission statement: 'I hope the pages in this book, which I finally wrote years after she had left this world, can at least capture cameos of that world of hers, with its bittersweet memories, but no sense of revenge.'

Yes, revenge is not there and the author is successful in providing a vivid, multilayered exposition and analysis of communalism both as an ideology and in practice on a concrete historical plane. But there is a clear undertone of regret for East Pakistan's separation from its 'better half' and an accusatorial finger pointed at the Muslim League for the act.

Nonetheless, the work is of much import owing to the fact that a clear understanding of the nature and dynamics of communalism is crucial in order to remedy its socially-threatening aspects. Besides, since early 1980s, as Batabyal mentions, it has acquired urgency vis-à-vis the advancement, and even the survival, of the peoples of Bangladesh, West Bengal and the adjacent states in the face of a re-advent of Islamist militancy, Hindu fundamentalism and communalism, anti-Bangalee attitude and separatism. But a clear comprehension of the phenomenon called communal strife still eludes us and is the subject of much research.

In the chapter on 'communalism and historiography', Batabyal outlines the three major schools of historiography regarding communalism in Bengal: one holds it as an ever-existing socio-cultural element; another as a false consciousness produced by the immediate inter-class economic relations; and the third as a category of politics that counterpoises nationalism inspired by European 'enlightenment'.

The thesis that Batabyal presents mostly agrees with the second group (the so-called 'Cambridge school) which regards the role of colonial regime in the rise of communalism as crucial, but he also considers it a modern manifestation of a continuing phenomenon. Communalism in Bengal, he says, appeared in the 1940s as a form distinctly separate from its counterparts in other provinces due to various factors. 'Bengal,' he says, 'was the region where colonial rule first entrenched itself and where it had a deeper impact than in any other area of the subcontinent,' and that 'colonialism produced a context which was totally new and of significant consequence. Agrarian dislocation, caused by the Permanent Settlement, introduced a new class relation to land while dispossessing the older classes.' According to him, 'communalism grew [here] as a reaction to the politics and the ideology of (a) nationalism' that failed to articulate the interests and aspirations of all the conflicting social segments 'and captured the imagination of a large section of people in the subcontinent, [meaning mainly the disadvantaged Muslims], finally resulting in the partition.'

British colonial rule generated two major causes of religion-based segregation: differences in educational and employment statuses. These two, Batabyal claims, were the crucial elements in the growth of communal consciousness, because the colonial Raj had linked them so closely that social mobility became entirely dependent on them. Education and employment thus became the principal sites of contest between the communities, resulting in a strong and sometimes quite ruthless urge among the disadvantaged Muslims to replace the advantaged section: 'An intense contest began to take shape in the early decades of the century. One section of the population [Hindus] had already become entrenched in positions from where it was easy for it to be upwardly mobile.

The second group [Muslims] arrived late in the scene. Only two alternatives seemed available to the late arrivals, i.e., either they were to be accommodated within the first category, or were to replace or be replaced by the earlier lot,' expounds Batabyal. By the 1930s and 1940s the Muslim peasantry began to subscribe to the idea that there was a pattern to their backwardness and injustice they faced. These experiences were then translated into the idea of their community in opposition to another community.

Citing historical events, Batabyal tries to establish how the Urdu-speaking Muslim upper class politicised religious and communal perceptions to achieve its political and economic ends. This he attempts to illustrate by narrating the history of the Bengal famine, the agendas and activities of the country's major political parties (the Muslim League, Hindu Mahasabha, Indian National Congress and Communist Party), the Kolkata riots of 1946, the Noakhali-Tippera riots of 1946-47 and the roles other actors, including Gandhi and the colonial authorities, played in the violence.

Talking on the causes of the famine, Batabyal cites Amartya Sen's argument that there was no substantial difference in food availability between 1941 and 1943. The problem lay in the lack of purchasing capacity of consumers, but the reasons for its drastic fall remain contested, adding, 'and here the critical role of colonialism stares us in our [sic] face, despite serious attempts to dilute its exploitative character.'

Here, it must be stated that Batabyal's historical interpretations cannot be termed as wholly unbiased, as witness his view of the role played by the provincial government of Surawardy and others in the Calcutta riots, that 'Whatever role the Mahasabha played during the Calcutta riots, the riot itself and the role of the Muslim League ministry gave credence to its stance that the latter was out to trample the Hindu population.' Credence to whom? Or again, when he says Shyama Prasad Mookerjee's calling Suhrawardy the 'biggest goonda' must have appealed to a large number of frustrated Hindus, who felt helpless because of the manner in which the government had managed this calamity.

'In 1945, the elections were an episode that showed the unacceptability of the communist message. The Muslim League had won easily,' he mentions and then jumps to this conclusion, 'It was in such a situation that the Noakhali riots became a test case for the idea of replacement, which was tried out in full strength.'

His narration is critical of the Congress's role, which he says failed to deal with the violence. According to him, 'The Noakhali riots and the violence associated with it brought to the fore the helplessness of the Congress leaders in the face of extreme communalism. While the local leaders gave a call to organize defensive corps to deal with the situation, the central leadership was totally confused regarding the next course of action.' Again, 'It was not strange, because well before the Noakhali riots, Congress workers and organizations were finding it difficult to come to terms with extreme communal violence.'

He however is appreciative of Gandhi's attempt to 'locate communalism as an ideology, and to devise ways to counter it' in Noakhali.

Overall, the book compiles and presents data that is not readily available. It should serve as an important resource for students and scholars of history, politics and sociology and those who are keen to understand the socio-economic and political realities of Bengal. The language at times is stiffly academic yet is lucid enough to be comprehended by general readers. But there are many grammatical errors, surprising given the book is from a house like Sage with a strong, three-member editorial board.

Azfar Aziz is Senior Sub-editor, The Daily Star.