25 years after 9/11, how did the ‘war on terror’ change the US?

Today marks the 25th year of the attacks on the United States by the transnational terrorist organisation Al-Qaeda. In the past quarter of a century, the attacks and subsequent events have brought profound changes in the global arena and transformed the state and society in the United States.

We witnessed the so-called Global War on Terror by the US and its allies leading to the invasion of Afghanistan, occupation of Iraq, decimation of the base of the Al-Qaeda in Afghanistan, consequent proliferation of its offshoots throughout the world, the rise and demise of the Islamic State in Iraq and Syria (ISIS). Many autocratic regimes joined the bandwagon to use the pretext to persecute its legitimate opponents. Thousands have died, been maimed and displaced in various wars, in attacks by violent extremist organisations, as well as during “domestic security operations.”

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We experienced blatant violations of international norms and laws in establishing secret detention centres known as “black sites” and normalising torture. Islamophobia spread and was justified in the name of national security; Muslims were painted as enemies. Countries considered consolidated democracies, especially in Europe, enacted laws limiting fundamental rights and privacy; violations of human rights of minorities were ignored. Countries where Muslims are minorities have seen their marginalisation, as “majoritarianism” became the key principle of governance. These developments provided an opportunity to some countries, such as China, to engage in en-masse detention of Muslims. 

The global repercussion has continued for decades and its long-lasting impacts continue. Not only was the behaviour of states changed as to how they use force, but also engendered debates in international relations on the use of force without UN authorisation. Within the Muslim community, ideological divides and disputes became more visible. Sectarian rifts, such as the Shia-Sunni divide, and the differences between various madhhabs and maslaks, became issues of discussion, at times leading to a rise in conflict and violence. The question of acceptability of violence from an Islamic perspective created fissures while the participation of ulema, Islamic thinkers, academics, and political activists brought different perspectives to the fore. The rhetoric against Muslims, especially portraying them as outsiders and threats to security, by governments in Europe contributed to the growth of xenophobia. Although white supremacist ideas were not new, these developments contributed to the mainstreaming of white supremacist ideas and organisations in the long run.

Along with these changes in the state structures, laws, and governance around the globe, the United States has also witnessed changes in society and government. Some were dubbed as “temporary” and ensued immediately after the September 11, 2001 attacks. Many of the changes that occurred within the state and society of the US have been crystallised into permanent measures and institutions. For example, although the Patriot Act in 2001, which temporarily granted the government unrestricted wiretapping powers formally expired in 2020, many of its core provisions had been codified into permanent law. The violation of citizens’ privacy under a law has been normalised in the name of “security.” The creation of the Department of Homeland Security in 2002, followed by Immigration and Customs Enforcement (ICE) in 2003, are other examples. Over the past few years, ICE has morphed into a terrifying entity not only for immigrants, but even for natural-born US citizens.

While the US has maintained military bases globally since the 1960s, after 2001, the nation seems to have institutionalised the concept of “forever war.” The legal framework for the war was granted to the president by Congress in 2001 and was known as the 2001 Authorization for Use of Military Force (AUMF). Similar powers granted before and after this AUMF have since expired, but the 2001 authorisation remains active. Consequently, the US has been engaged in military actions in many countries, at any time, under the pretext of fighting terrorism. Since 2001, the number has grown exponentially. Between 2021 and 2023, the US conducted various operations in 78 countries under the banner of counter-terrorism cooperation; it was in 85 countries between 2018 and 2020. It is because of this framework that a forever war feels acceptable to a large portion of US citizens.

To sustain such endless wars, enemies must be manufactured—both at home and abroad. How deeply this concept of the “enemy” is ingrained in the US psyche, how deeply it has permeated the society, not only regarding enemies outside but the “enemy within,” is reflected in the majority’s opinion of Islam and Muslims. Recent Pew Research Center surveys show that in 2001, 25 percent of citizens believed that Islam encouraged violence more than other religions; in a survey conducted in May this year, that number stood at 51 percent. Furthermore, 43 percent of respondents expressed doubts about the patriotism of Muslims in the US.

These developments related to perceived security have increasingly given unrestricted power to executives. Much of the power ceded to the executive branch under the pretext of emergency after 2001—from the Patriot Act to various administrative measures—still resides with the executive branch, thus undermining the power of the legislative branch.

One of the most profound shifts bearing on the daily lives of citizens has been the militarisation of the police. As the US engaged in more wars, surplus military weaponry was brought back home and repurposed. The federal government facilitates this through two initiatives: the 1033 and 1122 programmes. The 1033 programme allows the US Department of Defense to transfer military equipment to police departments free of charge. As of 2020, approximately 65 percent of the 18,000 law enforcement agencies in the country received equipment through this programme. The 1122 programme allows law enforcement to purchase military gear using their “own funds” (taxpayer money) at heavily discounted military rates. Equipment includes ammunition, assault weapons, and tactical armoured vehicles. As many police forces now patrol with this gear, their behaviour on the streets often appears inherently lethal.

As the US commemorates the 25th anniversary of the most devastating attacks on its soil, it will remember those who died on that day and those who lost their loved ones. There will be discussions as to what has been learned, not learned or forgotten. But it should also be an opportunity to examine what lasting changes have taken place, and how these changes have limited the scope of liberty, curtailed the rights of the people, weakened their privacy, and hindered the principle of “justice for all.”

Ali Riaz is distinguished professor of political science at Illinois State University in the US. He previously served as a special assistant to the chief adviser of the Interim Government of Bangladesh and in the Constitution Reform Commission and National Consensus Commission.

Views expressed in this article are the author's own. 

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