India initiates new measures at the Indian Ocean Naval Symposium

WHOEVER controls the Indian Ocean will dominate Asia, the destiny of the world would be decided on its waters"-Admiral Mahan. The Indian Ocean spans over 28 million sq miles and almost all of its 56 littoral and hinterland countries, having abundance of natural wealth, are still developing nations. It has vital choke points, like the Straits of Malacca, Lombok and Sunda in the East, and Strait of Hormuz, Suez Canal, Red Sea in the West. An estimated 15.5 million barrels of oil flow through the Strait of Hormuz each day making it by far the world's most important oil choke point and 10 million barrels of oil is transported through the Malacca Strait. However, some of the worst hit areas, as far as the incidents of maritime piracy are concerned, lie among the countries of the region and unfortunately it is also the centre point of over 65% of the world's natural disasters. It is becoming de facto home of terrorism, with many regional and extra-regional states covertly or even inadvertently aiding and abetting such elements. Besides these, there are many other strategic considerations like the West, Japan and China being still dependent on the import of energy, which are instrumental in making the Indian Ocean Region (IOR) a critical consideration for global maritime security. However, other than a few countries in the IOR, like Australia, India, and Singapore, the remaining countries do not have the maritime assets or navies for ensuring maritime security. India is a growing maritime power which is backed by the stability of a democratic political system and robust economic growth. Moreover, India's growing trade, booming economy and investments in shipping and ports clearly demonstrate the importance of maritime security and the influence it wants to exert through peace time policing of the ocean. The Indian Navy is one of the largest maritime forces in the region which is initiating new and numerous measures with regional and extra-regional navies. Besides, the Navy is developing capabilities to inter-operate with all the leading navies of the world, who have a stake in the maritime security in the IOR. It has been spearheading a multilateral cooperation initiative, called MILAN, since the mid 1990s involving a series of exercises and dialogues, with participation from the Bay of Bengal rim states, and is conducted every year off the Andaman and Nicobar Islands. The exercise now includes navies from Myanmar, Singapore, Indonesia, Vietnam, Thailand, Malaysia, Australia, etc. Although Bangladesh Navy has been participating in all the exercises, yet one would hardly find her name in the analysis by the Indian writers. The Indian Navy also undertakes regular bilateral and multilateral exercises involving search-and-rescue drills, exchanges of information and intelligence, anti-submarine warfare, advanced mine countermeasures and anti-terrorism exercises between extra-regional/regional navies from time to time especially to support the global anti-terrorism activities enunciated by the US. Indo-Japanese naval cooperation has assumed salience and Indian desire to exercise with the navies of Vietnam and Taiwan have raised eyebrows from many. It is now certain that in line with the Indian policy of dominating the region through its powerful navy, it recently hosted the first new and significant international cooperative construct of the 21st Century, kicking off the three-day Indian Ocean Naval Symposium (IONS) in New Delhi. It was attended by 26 naval chiefs from countries bordering the littoral countries. China's absence was conspicuous and Pakistan was represented by its naval attaché only. The IONS was inaugurated by the Prime Minister of India who pointed out that IONS is not a military pact where a set of nations is joining forces against another; instead, it wants to bring together other regional states to fight against forces like terrorism, piracy and natural disasters and urged the gathering of naval chiefs to "develop a comprehensive cooperative framework of maritime security." While the Indian navy chief, referring to the NATO and the Warsaw Pact which were competitive constructs that pitted combinations of nation-states against one another, said that the changed realities of the present time provides both strategic and intellectual space for other forms of collective groupings of states that are arrayed not against one another, but against security challenges and threats that are common to all. However, despite such soothing rhetoric, it is apparent that India is pushing to give IONS a more tangible form. For two days, Naval Chiefs' Conclave discussed a "working charter", which India had earlier sent to the participating countries. The draft charter sets out clear procedures for coordinated action against piracy, maritime terrorism, the security of maritime trade routes, and natural disasters. Senior naval analysts admit that no substantive joint statement is likely soon, but they expect discussions on a draft charter to give India a leadership role. But it is clear that there is a military element to it to counter efforts by China to gain a permanent foothold in the region, analysts said. It was pointed out in the seminar that serious conflicts within the region and its political and cultural diversity stand in the way of an Indian Ocean grouping. That became quickly evident during the seminar, when a Saudi Arabian delegate challenged an Australian speaker on his characterisation of Hamas and Hezbollah as terrorist groups. Indonesia's delegates also made clear about their long-standing suspicions of India's naval build up. While India insists this is not a shot across China's bows, other regional powers like Australia are wary of multilateral groupings like IONS for fear of offending Beijing. Australia's new Labour government, which won power in November 2007, is committed to stronger strategic ties with India, but on a one-to-one basis rather than as a part of a strategic grouping, which China could see as threatening. Recently Australia has informed China about their decision to withdraw from the Quadrilateral - Japan, the US, India and Australia - which the US had pushed vigorously after the Iraq war as a concert for Asian democracies. China was not happy when the Quadrilateral held joint exercises in September 2007 and Beijing sent a demarche to all four capitals asking them the purpose of the grouping. Perhaps the most difficult issue to assess is the future maritime role of China's navy, whose Commander-in-Chief from 1982-88, Admiral Liu Huaqing, has been described as a modern Mahan and the Chinese equivalent of Admiral Sergei Gorshkov. The Chinese Navy, with more than 100 major warships (destroyers and frigates) and submarines, has strong desire to become more active in developing a blue water navy and continue its extensive influence in the region with an assertive maritime regional policy. Interpretations of Indian naval expansion in the Indian Ocean as a threat may not be exaggerated and there is certainly potential for regional naval competition. The most appropriate responses of the other regional/littoral navies may be to encourage political structures which establish norms of behaviour and extend the maritime regime to increase confidence-building. Although such a task appears to be difficult but some development has occurred, notably in ASEAN and its dialogue partners, including the United States, Russia, China and Japan. The ASEAN Regional Forum, launched in 1993, proposed to examine non-offensive defence, arms proliferation, nuclear issues and common security. Although institutionalised naval cooperation for collective security is probably some way off, there may be progress in developing functional "low level" activity that will build confidence. Various fora for maritime discussions exist at both official and "second track" level, such as the Western Pacific Naval Symposium sponsored by the US and the Maritime Cooperation Working Group of the Conference on Security Cooperation in the Asia-Pacific Region (CSCAP). IONS draw inspiration from the US-backed Western Pacific Naval Symposium (WPNS) that engages Southeast and East Asian countries, leaving an 'engagement' deficiency in the Indian Ocean. IONS would promote greater mutual interaction and understanding and obviate the dependency on extra-regional players in the region, Indian analysts stated. To that extent, IONS is an ambitious new initiative by India amidst its carefully calibrated naval diplomacy, seemingly dismissive of extra regional powers while India still continued with the Quadrilateral partnership with the US and Japan. The recent expansion in trade and economic growth among the countries of the region dictates the need to ensure the safety and security of the sea-lanes. The need for cooperation among the Navies of the region in preventing international crimes like terrorism, smuggling including narcotics, arms and weapons, piracy, and robbery, is therefore of paramount importance. The monsoons play a vital role in the lives of the people of the Indian Ocean littoral states. Recent years have witnessed a marked rise in incidents of natural disasters. Navies are constantly being looked upon to protect citizens from natural disasters and mitigate the effects on coastal zones from phenomena like cyclones and tsunamis. Coastal ecosystems sustain livelihoods and they are host to a diverse species of marine life and littorals must have sound capabilities to deal with environmental emergencies. The United Nations Convention on the Law of Sea, 1982 sets out the legal framework within which all activities in the oceans and the seas must be carried out. A better understanding of the oceans through the application of marine science and technology, and greater synergy between scientific knowledge and decision-making are indeed very necessary for the sustainable use and management of the oceans. This requires a consensus-based approach, with a focus on pooling of resources and capacity building and information-exchanges. The littorals may like to cooperate to ensure the freedom of the seas for all nations and to deepen trade and economic linkages among the Indian Ocean Rim, provided Indian new initiative remains free from hegemony and their desire to dictate terms to the others in line with the old sayings of Mahan. The author is a freelancer.
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