<i>Inclusion of Afghanistan in SAARC: from reluctance to sudden rush</i>
South Asian Association for Regional Cooperation (SAARC) set up in 1985, includes Bangladesh, Bhutan, India, the Maldives, Nepal, Pakistan, Sri Lanka and Afghanistan. Afghanistan was incorporated as the eighth member during the 13th Summit of SAARC, which was held in Dhaka on 12 - 13 November, 2005. In the 14th SAARC Summit, Afghanistan was formally introduced in all the SAARC agreements, declaration, and legal documents by a Joint Declaration. A study of the SAARC charter brings out a vital fact that there is no definition of what precisely constitutes South Asia. It is may be to the desire of "founding members" to leave a scope of expansion. Some scholars believe that geographically Afghanistan does not belong to South Asia, rather it is considered as a country of Central Asia; it does not belong to any grouping (SEATO, CENTO or in any Arab groups) and was a member of OIC (Organization of Islamic Conference) only. So, economic condition and political situation did not permit Afghanistan's incorporation into any other regional organization but South Asia. On the other hand, some also think that historically, culturally and geo-strategically Afghanistan is a part of South Asia. Inclusion of Afghanistan has been an area of debate especially with the entry of NATO (North Atlantic Treaty Organization) troops into Afghanistan. However, the extension by incorporating Afghanistan as a full member and giving China, Japan, South Korea, Iran, the US, and the EU observer status is considered a milestone in the history of this association. Intra-Regional Governmentality, Neo-Regionalism and the Extension Of SAARC
Foucault deploys two sides to governmentality (at certain points Foucault also speaks of "the art of government"). The first notion is relevant here to discuss that is, the term pin-points a specific form of representation; government defines a discursive field in which exercising power is "rationalized". In this manner, government enables a problem to be addressed and offers certain strategies for handling the problem; it is also structure specific in this way. This is understood to include agencies, procedures, institutions, legal forms etc. that are intended to enable us to govern the objects and subjects of a political rationality"…(Foucault, 1982a, 220-1). In this connection, if we consider the Foucaultdian notion of "governmentality" in a broader sense, we can explain the expansion of regional association through "intra-regional governmentality". Under this context, one or more powerful governments can discipline the less powerful governments within the structure or associational framework. Thus by expanding the framework they can influence, control and seek benefit from the newly elected members as well. There is another view point that inclusion of Afghanistan in SAARC clearly demonstrated that South Asian region has stepped towards the framework of new regionalism. It emphasizes not only economic but also social and cultural networks that develop more quickly than the formal political cooperation at regional level (Hettne, 1994). Thus, the combination of the forces of neo-regionalism inspired SAARC to take the strategic initiative to enlarge it. Politics at Systemic & Sub-systemic level
It was assumed before the election of Afghanistan that all the present members are not averse to having Afghanistan joining SAARC. Knowledgeable sources argue that Kabul itself was not fully ready for this (O.P. Shah, 2004). One of the reasons could be that SAARC membership may not be cost effective at a time when its main focus was on domestic stabilization and reconstruction. But after the election economic benefits are a strong driving force for the country to be included in this organization. Moreover, the incorporation of a war ravaged country after long twenty-two years can be explained through politics at systemic and sub-systemic level. According to Ambassador (Retd) M. Shafiullah, "the inclusion of Afghanistan as a member of SAARC is the result of the direct blessing of US and indirect blessing of India". This opinion is very much true because during the Taliban regime India was not confident enough to support the incorporation of a radical Muslim government into SAARC. But soon after the newly elected government, both India and Pakistan agreed to include Afghanistan as a member of SAARC under the influence of United States. The present government of Afghanistan is pro-US and it can help US to involve in SAARC obliquely if it becomes a member. Though Pakistan does not have good relationship with the present Afghan government it could not oppose the decision of its inclusion because Pakistan is in the grip of US, and as US is in overall charge of the region in conducting the 'War on Terror'. In this context, Major General (Retd) Ibrahim assumed that militarily United States, the world greatest power had divided the world under several commands (e.g. Central Command, Pacific Command etc.). The position of Afghanistan falls under the area of US Central Command. After the election in Afghanistan, US wanted the war-ravaged country to be a part of an institutional framework which will posture the legitimacy of the pro-US government. Secondly, Afghans are more akin to the Pakistanis of the North-West Frontier Province (NWFP) or Baluchistan than Iranians or Iraqis. The geo-political situation of Pakistan and Afghanistan in terms of military or terrorism is more or less similar. But, Afghans and Pakistanis do not see eye to eye. As a result, it is easier for India to have friendly relation with Afghanistan and keep pressure on Pakistan. Within SAARC, Pakistan thinks it has an ally called Afghanistan and India thinks it has an ally in Afghanistan. Chances are, being away from the Indian mainland Afghanistan will be able to develop an independent stance. Identifying the reasons of such inclusion, Brig (Retd) Shahedul Anam Khan emphasizes more on geo-economic strategy rather than politics. From historical analysis it can be said that both India and Pakistan want friendly relationship with Afghanistan because it is linked to Central Asia which is rich in natural resources. The change of government (Taliban to Karzai) in Afghanistan made India more eager for its inclusion into SAARC. In South Asia opium and drugs are sent through Pakistan. Pakistan thought if Afghanistan becomes a member of SAARC then it will be easier to give pressure on the Karzai government so that the government can take appropriate stance to curb the narco-business. Moreover, Afghanistan will also enjoy a part of the development fund of SAARC as a member state. It is clear that the incorporation of Afghanistan in SAARC is the eagerness of US to incorporate the war ravaged country under an institutional framework so that it can obtain legitimacy, which is explained by Foucault's concept of 'governmentality' in macro level. Moreover, various interests at the sub-systemic level also facilitated the expansion. The Expectations
Pakistan and India think that Afghanistan will help both the countries in supplying energy and transit facilities to Central Asia. Moreover, given the devastation caused there by war for over two decades and the role the country has acquired in any policy in the region to check terrorism, no move to pacify and conciliate South Asia is feasible without Afghanistan's active participation in it. While talking about the expectations at the sub-systemic level, Ambassador (Retd) Mohammed Mohsin, former Foreign Secretary of Bangladesh thinks, "South Asian's should learn something from the experiences of the countries in today's EU. If South Asian's do succeed in their efforts for cooperation, it would perhaps be the largest Regional Grouping in the World and thus far exceeding the populations of EU and ASEAN and thus opening many scopes of cooperation leading to their increase economic, political & even military strength." Finally, prior to further expansion, member countries need to consider whether they will be opening the floodgates and whether they will be able to manage it. The author is an MSS candidate, Dept. of IR, University of Dhaka.
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